Third Person ( Concept )
http://purl.org/linguistics/gold/ThirdPerson


Thing
      |_ Abstract
            |_ Linguistic Property
                  |_ Morphosyntactic Property
                        |_ Person Property
                              |_ Third Person


Definition:

Third Person is a person property that refers to the non-participant (other than the speaker and the addressee) [Crystal 1997, 285].


2009-06-04 13:28:09

The best evidence for a thirdPerson distinction is most likely to come from paradigmatic opposition, in particular in the singular. In the plural it becomes difficult to distinguish a group containing thirdPerson from the plural number. It is also a practice to discuss the semantics of person using combinations of the Arabic numerals '1','2' and '3'. It needs to be borne in mind that the semantics of the third person are based on the contrast with first and second person. Potentially, this means that the reading of '+3' is '-1 and -2'. This issue can create problems when one tries to interpret representations of the meaning of a person value with combinations such as '1+2+3', and the issue is further complicated by the interaction with number. This representation can be convenient as long as one is aware of its limitations.


2009-06-04 13:28:09
Dudoqueaprenda
doubt-1.SGthatlearn-3.SG.PRS.SBJV
I doubt that he is learning.
Language Code: ixi In Nebaj Ixil, the personal passive is a passive in which the argument mapped to Object in a basic structural configuration assumes the Subject relation in a corresponding nonbasic configuration.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
katil-axØnajta?nixoj
aspectsee-PASS3.SG.ABShebyshe
He was seen by her.

References:
Klaiman (1991:244) FROM Ayres (1983:22)

Language Code: tur In Turkish, the nominative is zero-marked. Also, in this language nonspecific objects do not take the accusative case.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
Hasanöküz-üaldi
Hasan.NOMox-ACCbuy-PST.3.SG
Hasan bought the ox

References:
Blake (2001:87, 119) FROM Comrie (1989:132-6, 175-6)

Language Code: spa There is no progressive marker in this Spanish example.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
Juancanta
Johnsing-3.SG
John sings.

References:
Comrie (1976:33)

2009-06-04 13:28:09
Paluru=rnitjitjitjukutjuku-ngkunya-ngu
3.SG.ERG=1.SG.OBJchildsmall-ERGsee-PST
He saw me when he was a small child.
Language Code: eus NO_COMMENT
2009-06-04 13:28:09
ama-rentzateros-id-it-u-tlore-ak
mother-SG.BENbuy-PFV3.ABS-PRS-PL-AUX.2.1.SG.ERGflower-PL.ABS
I have bought some flowers for mother

References:
Saltarelli (1988:156)

Language Code: heb Masculine and feminine cardinal numerals usually go with masculine and feminine nouns, respectively. These nouns may be explicit or just implied.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
bikʃuxamiʃatikimve-hevénuʃiʃa
asked.3.PL5.Mbags.Mbrought.1.PL6.M
They asked for 5 bags and we brought 6.

References:
Glinert (1989:80-81)

Language Code: tue In Tuyuca, the deductive mood signals an assumption with evidence.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
díigaapé-yi
soccerplay-3.SG.PST.DEDUCT
He played soccer (I have seen evidence that he played, but I did not see him play)

References:
Palmer (2001:36) FROM Barnes (1984) FROM Malone (1988)

Language Code: hun Here the suffix marked as PART is the same suffix used to mark the Ablative case in Hungarian.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
evettasütemény-ből
ate.3.SGthepastry-PART
S/he ate some of the pastry.

References:
Moravcsik (1978:261)

Language Code: ami This example demonstrates epistemic necessity, also known as necessary truth or presupposed truth, in that this statement presupposes that the pig will run out.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
hobu-busal-ebageqo-qag-an
pigSIM-run.out-3.SG.DIFSBJ.IRREAL3.PLhit-3.PL.FUT
They will kill the pig as it runs out.

References:
Palmer (2001:5) FROM Roberts (1990)

Language Code: ami This example demonstrates epistemic necessity, also known as necessary truth or presupposed truth, in that this statement presupposes that the pig will run out.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
hobu-busal-ebageqo-qag-an
pigSIM-run.out-3.SG.DS.IRR3.PLhit-3.PL.FUT
They will kill the pig as it runs out

References:
Palmer (2001:5) FROM Roberts (1990)

Language Code: ami Realis encodes that the speaker is offering and unqualified statement of fact. The term 'realis' is synonymous with the term 'indicative' and therefore 'declarative.'
2009-06-04 13:28:09
hobu-busal-enageqo-in
pigSIM-run.out-3.SG.DIFSBJ.REAL3.PLhit-3.PL.REM.PST
They killed the pig as it ran out.

References:
Palmer (2001:5) FROM Roberts (1990)

Language Code: tix In Southern Tiwa, the locative passive is an oblique locative nominal that assumes the subject relation.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
in-seuan-wan-ban(na)
1.SG/3.SG.ANIM-man-come-PST(I)
The man came to me

References:
Klaiman (1991:17) FROM Allen, Gardiner and Frantz (1984:304-5)

Language Code: hrv A Passive construction in Croatian which contains reflexive markings.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
ku?asegradiladvamjeseca(*ljudima)
houseREFLbuilt.3.SGtwomonths(*people.INS)
The house was built in two months (by people)/They built the house in two months.

References:
Siewierska (1988:259) FROM Spalatin (1973:121)

Language Code: mam In Northern Mam, the logical nonsubject takes on properties typical of the basic object.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
maØ-tx'eem-attzee?t-u?ncheep
tense3.SG.ABS-cut-PASStree3.SG.ERG-by.RNJosé
The tree was cut by José.

References:
Klaiman (1991:229) FROM England (1985:201)

Language Code: djd A dual morpheme refers to exactly two.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
nanggayanguny-bi-yarluga?
who2.DU.A.3.SG.P-FUT-poke
Who do you two want to spear?

References:
Schultze-Berndt (2000:92)

Language Code: pol An intransitive verb in Polish is derived from a basically transitive one with the direct object of the transitive verb corresponding to the subject of the intransitive.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
pociagzatrzyma?sie
trainstopped.3.SGREFL
The train stopped.

References:
Siewierska (1988:267) in Shibatani (1988)

Language Code: ike NO_COMMENT
2009-06-04 13:28:09
tuqu-riikatap-puq
die-REM.PST-3.SG.IND
He died long ago.

References:
Bybee, Perkins, and Pagliuca (1994:99) FROM Fortescue (1984:272-3)

Language Code: ewe The habitual in Ewe.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
é-du-amɔ́li
3-eat-HABrice
He/she eats rice habitually

References:
Payne (1997:242)

Language Code: ewe NO_COMMENT
2009-06-04 13:28:09
é-ga-dumɔ́li
3-ITR-eatrice
He/She repeatedly ate rice

References:
Payne (1997:242)

Language Code: tue In Tuyuca, the assumptive mood signals an assumption with no evidence.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
díigaapé-hīyi
soccerplay-3.SG.PST.ASSMP
He played soccer (I assume, but I have seen no evidence of this)

References:
Palmer (2001:36) FROM Barnes (1984) FROM Malone (1988)

Language Code: yap First person exclusive refers to the participants referred to but not the hearer.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
Kuguguy-eew
PRF1.EXCLsee-3.DUAL
We saw it.

References:
Siewierska (2003:142)

Language Code: mam In Northern Mam, the transitive subject takes on properties typical of the basic object. Since in an ergative language the same morphological behaviors accrue to transitive object (P) as to intransitive subject (A), one effect of antipassivization is to dissociate the transitive subject (A) from its usual case assignment, the ergative, and reassign it the absolutive.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
maØtzyuu-ncheept-i?jch'it
tense3.SG.ABSgrab-ANTIPJosé3.SG.ERG-P.RNbird
José grabbed the bird.

References:
Klaiman (1991:229) FROM England (1985:212)

Language Code: kek In Q'eqchi', the focus antipassive locks the P or logical object (basic absolutive) nominal from being assigned Focus salience. Topic salience is available for assignment to various arguments, including the P, but Focus salience is always assigned to A, and is therefore inaccessible to P or any other nominal.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
lituminla?inx-in-q'eu-o-ca?cu-er-e
themoney.TOP1.FOCtense-3.SG.ABS-give-ANTIP-aspect2.SG.ABS-DAT.RN3.SG.ERG-DAT.RN
The money, I was the one who gave it to you.

References:
Klaiman (1991:236) FROM Berinstein (1985:236)

Language Code: kek In Q'eqchi', the incorporating antipassive locks the P or logical object (basic absolutive) nominal from being assigned Focus salience. This correlates with the P's morphosyntactic downgrading, whereby it becomes insusceptible to any informational salience assignment.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
x-e'-sic'-o-ccapelicui?nk
tense-3.PL.ABS-pick-ANTIP-aspectcoffeethemen
The men picked coffee.

References:
Klaiman (1991:232) FROM Berinstein (1985:219)

Language Code: tur In Turkish, the nominative is zero-marked. Also, in this language nonspecific objects do not take the accusative case.
2009-06-04 13:28:09
Hasanöküz-üaldi
Hasan-NOMox-ACCbuy-PST.3.SG
Hasan bought the ox.

References:
Blake (2001:87, 119) FROM Comrie (1989:132-6, 175-6)


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